Why Did Felipe Ii and Carlos I Want to Expand the Collection of Art
Philip Four | |||||
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Rex of Espana (more...) | |||||
Reign | 31 March 1621 – 17 September 1665 | ||||
Predecessor | Philip 3 | ||||
Successor | Charles II | ||||
King of Portugal | |||||
Reign | 31 March 1621 – 1 December 1640 | ||||
Predecessor | Philip III (as Philip II of Portugal) | ||||
Successor | John 4 | ||||
Born | (1605-04-08)8 April 1605 Purple Palace of Valladolid, Valladolid, Spain | ||||
Died | 17 September 1665(1665-09-17) (anile 60) Madrid, Spain | ||||
Burial | El Escorial | ||||
Spouse | Elisabeth of France (one thousand. 1615; died 1644) Mariana of Austria (m. 1649) | ||||
Issue Detail |
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House | Habsburg | ||||
Begetter | Philip III of Espana | ||||
Female parent | Margaret of Austria | ||||
Organized religion | Roman Catholicism | ||||
Signature |
Philip 4 (Spanish: Felipe, Portuguese: Filipe; 8 April 1605 – 17 September 1665), also called the Planet King (Spanish: Rey Planeta), was King of Spain from 1621 to his death and (as Philip III) King of Portugal from 1621 to 1640. Philip is remembered for his patronage of the arts, including such artists as Diego Velázquez, and his rule over Spain during the Thirty Years' War.
By the time of his expiry, the Spanish Empire had reached approximately 12.ii one thousand thousand square kilometers (4.vii million square miles) in area but in other aspects was in decline, a procedure to which Philip contributed with his inability to achieve successful domestic and military reform.
Personal life [edit]
Philip 4 was born in the Royal Palace of Valladolid, and was the eldest son of Philip Three and his wife, Margaret of Republic of austria. In 1615, at the age of x, Philip was married to 13-twelvemonth-former Elisabeth of France. Although the relationship does not announced to have been shut, some have suggested that Olivares, his central minister, later deliberately tried to keep the two apart to maintain his influence, encouraging Philip to take mistresses instead, by which he is known to have had at least thirty progeny.[1] Philip had ten children by Elisabeth, with just one being a son, Balthasar Charles, who died at the age of 16 in 1646. The expiry of his son deeply shocked the king, who appears to have been a good male parent by the standards of the day. Elisabeth was able to conspire with other Spanish nobles to remove Olivares from the courtroom in 1643, and for a brief period she held considerable influence over Philip; by the time of her death, nevertheless, she was out of favour, following manoeuvering past Olivares' successor and nephew, Luis de Haro.[one]
At age of 44 in 1649, Philip remarried, following the deaths of both Elisabeth and his just legitimate heir. His choice of his second wife, 14-year-old Maria Anna, also known as Mariana, Philip's niece and the daughter of Emperor Ferdinand 3, was guided by politics and Philip's desire to strengthen the relationship with Habsburg Austria.[2] They were married on seven Oct 1649. Maria Anna diameter him five children, but only two survived to adulthood, a girl Margarita Teresa, born in 1651, and the future Charles II of Spain in 1661 – but the latter was sickly and considered in frequent danger of dying, making the line of inheritance potentially uncertain.[iii]
Perceptions of Philip's personality have altered considerably over fourth dimension. Victorian authors were inclined to portray him as a weak individual, delegating excessively to his ministers, and ruling over a debauched Baroque court.[4] Victorian historians even attributed the early death of Balthasar to debauchery, encouraged by the gentlemen entrusted by the male monarch with his education. The doctors who treated the Prince at that fourth dimension in fact diagnosed smallpox, although mod scholars aspect his death to appendicitis.[ citation needed ] Historians' interpretation of Philip gradually improved in the 20th century, with comparisons betwixt Philip and his father being increasingly positive – some noting that he possessed much more energy, both mental and concrete, than his diffident male parent.[5]
Philip was idealized by his contemporaries as the model of Bizarre kingship. Outwardly he maintained a bearing of rigid solemnity; strange visitors described him every bit being so impassive in public he resembled a statue,[half dozen] and he was said to take been seen to laugh only three times in the class of his entire public life. Philip certainly had a stiff sense of his 'purple dignity',[vii] simply was also extensively coached by Olivares in how to resemble the Baroque model of a sovereign,[7] which would form a fundamental political tool for Philip throughout his reign. Philip was a fine horseman, a slap-up hunter and a devotee of bull-fighting,[5] all central parts of royal public life at court during the catamenia.
Privately, Philip appears to have had a lighter persona. When he was younger, he was said to have a nifty sense of humor and a 'great sense of fun'.[viii] He privately attended 'academies' in Madrid throughout his reign – these were lighthearted literary salons, aiming to analyze contemporary literature and verse with a humorous bear on.[nine] A keen theatre-goer, he was sometimes criticized by contemporaries for his love of these 'frivolous' entertainments.[ten] Others have captured his private personality equally 'naturally kind, gentle and affable'.[xi] Those close to him claimed he was academically competent, with a good grasp of Latin and geography, and could speak French, Portuguese and Italian well.[12] Like many of his contemporaries, including Olivares, he had a smashing interest in astrology.[13] His handwritten translation of Francesco Guicciardini's texts on political history even so exist.
Although interpretations of Philip'due south role in government have improved in recent years, Diego Velázquez's gimmicky description of Philip's key weakness – that 'he mistrusts himself, and defers to others too much' — remain relevant. Although Philip's Catholic beliefs no longer attract criticism from English language writers, Philip is still felt to have been 'disproportionately pious' in his personal life.[12] Notably, from the 1640s onwards he sought the communication and counsel of a noted cloistered abbess, Sor María de Ágreda, exchanging many letters with her.[xiv] This did not finish Philip for becoming known for his numerous affairs, specially with actresses, every bit encouraged by the Count-Knuckles Olivares.[five] The most famous of these diplomacy was with the actress María Inés Calderón (La Calderona),[xv] with whom he had a son in 1629, Juan José, who was brought up equally a royal prince.[3] Past the end of the reign, and with the health of Carlos José in doubtfulness, at that place was a existent possibility of Juan José's making a claim on the throne, which added to the instability of the regency years.
Philip, Olivares and his regal favourites [edit]
During the reign of Philip's male parent, Philip 3, the regal court had been dominated past the Sandoval noble family, near strikingly by the Knuckles of Lerma, Philip Iii'due south principal favorite and main minister for about all of his reign. Philip 4 came to power as the influence of the Sandovals was being undermined by a new noble coalition, led by Don Baltasar de Zúñiga. De Zúñiga regarded it equally essential that the Sandovals be unable to gain an influence over the future male monarch; de Zúñiga first began to develop his ain influence over Prince Philip,[xvi] and then introduced his nephew, Olivares, to the prince, ten years old at the time.[17] At showtime, Philip did not peculiarly accept to Olivares.[18] Over the course of at least a twelvemonth, however, the relationship became very shut,[xix] with Philip'south tendency towards underconfidence and diffidence counteracted by Olivares' bulldoze and decision.[18] Olivares rapidly became Philip'southward most trusted counselor, and when Philip ascended the throne in 1621, at the historic period of sixteen, he showed his confidence in Olivares past ordering that all papers requiring the royal signature should first exist sent to the count-duke. Philip retained Olivares equally his confidant and chief minister for the adjacent twenty years.
Early on in his reign, Philip would exist woken by Olivares in the forenoon to talk over the solar day'south affairs[17] and would meet with him twice more during the twenty-four hour period, although later this routine declined until the king would agree but one short meeting on policy with Olivares each day.[xviii] Philip intervened far more in policies during 1641–42, however, and information technology has been suggested that Philip paid more attention to policymaking than has traditionally been depicted; some recent histories go so far as to describe him as 'careful' in policymaking,[7] although he is notwithstanding criticised for his failure to brand timely decisions.[20] Philip himself argued that it was hardly appropriate for the male monarch himself to go house to firm amid his ministers to see if his instructions were being carried out.[21] The close relationship between Philip and Olivares was demonstrated past their portraits' being placed adjacent at the Buen Retiro palace — an human activity unheard-of in Europe at the fourth dimension.[22] Philip'due south relationship with Olivares, yet, was not a simplistic i. The pair had many rows and arguments over the course of their relationship, both as a result of their different personalities and differences of opinion over policies.[23]
Initially, Philip chose to confirm the reappointment of his father's household to assuage grandee opinion.[24] Under the influence of de Zúñiga and Olivares, notwithstanding, Philip was then quick to identify de Lerma's estates – expanded considerably during his long period as favourite – under assistants, and to remove from office Cristóbal de Sandoval, Duke of Uceda, de Lerma's son, who had initially helped de Zúñiga remove his own begetter from office to advance his own position.[25] Philip's initial announcements reflected an intent to reform the monarchy to the sober, moral position it had been under his grandfather, including selecting ministers whose grandfathers had served nether Philip II.[26]
Philip has in the past been considered to be 'unimaginative' in his politics,[5] but contempo histories accept stressed the more radical elements of his first 2 decades in ability. In that location was a febrile atmosphere in Spain in the early 17th century, with numerous arbitrista offering various communication on how to solve Spain'due south diverse ills; this advice could, and would, be given in person by those of the lower classes to the king on suitable occasions, provided information technology was presented with the aim of strengthening the crown.[27] Those debates extended to the nature of the monarchy. It has been suggested that the writers of the catamenia who best capture Philip's view of imperial say-so were Justus Lipsius and Giovanni Botero, who promoted religiously inspired, stoic self-cede and a view of Habsburg family-led hegemony respectively.[28] Whilst at i level conservative – harking back in strange policy to the period of Phillip II, invoking traditional values at dwelling – Philip's policies were also radical, rejecting the policy towards the rebellious Dutch that had held since 1609, entering into the Thirty Years' War, and introducing a system of junta, or small committee, regime across Spain in competition to the traditional system of royal councils.
Following Olivares' fall from ability amidst the crisis of 1640–1643, the victim of failed policies and jealousy from the nobles excluded from power, Philip initially announced that he would rule alone, condign in effect his ain first minister. The junta system of authorities began to be dismantled in favor of the older council system. In due class, even so, this personal rule reverted to rule through a royal favorite, initially Luis de Haro, a nephew of Olivares and a childhood playmate of Philip'due south,[29] and the counter-reform of the committee system halted. De Haro has non been highly regarded by historians; the comment of one, that de Haro was the 'embodiment of mediocrity', is not atypical.[thirty] After de Haro's death in 1661, Olivares' son-in-police force, the Knuckles of Medina de las Torres, became royal favourite in his identify.[31]
Strange policy and the Thirty Years' War [edit]
Philip was to reign through the majority of the 30 Years' War in Europe, a turbulent period of military history. In Philip III's final years, Baltasar de Zúñiga had convinced him to intervene militarily in Bohemia and the Electorate of the Palatinate on the side of Emperor Ferdinand Two. One time Philip himself came to power, he was convinced past de Zúñiga, appointed his principal foreign minister, and Olivares that he should commit Spain to a more than aggressive strange policy in alliance with the Holy Roman Empire. This would lead Philip to renew hostilities with the Dutch in 1621 in an effort to bring the provinces to the negotiating table with the aim of achieving a peace treaty favourable to Spanish global interests. Philip's government would pursue a 'Netherlands first' strategy throughout the war until 1643.[32] Despite this shift in policy, Philip does not seem to accept been particularly disagreeable; early on he noted that having inherited such a large empire, war somewhere across his domains was an inevitable condition,[33] and he appeared genuinely upset when he came to power and contemplated how much the people of Castile had paid 'in claret' to support the wars of his royal predecessors.[34]
The 1620s were skillful years for Spanish strange policy: the war with the Dutch went well, albeit at keen expense, culminating in the retaking of the key city of Breda in 1624. Past the stop of the decade, however, Philip'southward government was faced with the question of whether to prioritise the war in Flanders or Spain's human relationship with France during the War of the Mantuan Succession (1628–1631). Philip's advisors recommended prioritising the war in Flanders, taking action to safeguard the Spanish Road to the Netherlands but at the cost of antagonising Louis XIII.[35] Strategically this was to prove a disaster.
Despite fresh Spanish successes in the mid-1630s – in item, the triumph of Philip's government in raising a fresh Spanish army, marching it into Germany to defeat the Swedish-led Protestant forces at the Battle of Nördlingen in 1634 – the increased tensions with France made war between the two Cosmic states increasingly inevitable. Olivares advised Philip that the coming war with France would be all or nothing; Espana would win or autumn by the event.[36]
The Castilian-French war that ensued from 1635 onwards was not a foregone determination. Early Castilian successes threatened Paris, and even afterward the Spanish defeat at Rocroi, Spain remained a strong opponent. But from 1640 onwards, a menstruation which saw big-scale revolts across Spanish territories in protest against the rising costs of the conflict, Spain was finding it difficult to sustain the state of war. Philip reacted to the increased French threat past finally abandoning his 'Netherlands commencement' strategy; resources for the Army of Flanders were savagely cut, and the fight against the French-supported rebels Catalonia took the beginning priority.[37] Presently after Rocroi, Philip – now having had to dismiss his favourite, Olivares – issued instructions to his ambassadors to seek a peace treaty. The Peace of Westphalia, delivered by Olivares' replacement Luis de Haro, resolved the long running Eighty Years' War in the Netherlands and the wars in Germany, but the conflict with France dragged on. Philip responded to the perceived weakness of France during the Fronde rebellions of 1648 by continuing the fight; he took personal responsibleness for the conclusion to starting time a fresh, and ultimately successful, offensive against the French in Catalonia in 1651.[38] True victory over French republic never emerged, however, and by 1658, after the loss of Dunkirk to an Anglo-French forcefulness, Philip was personally drastic for peace.[39] The Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659, and the spousal relationship of Philip'southward daughter Maria Theresa to the young King Louis XIV[40] finally brought the war with French republic to a determination. The war against Portugal connected however, equally Philip fruitlessly attempted to regain control over his lost kingdom.
Philip and the Spanish military [edit]
By the belatedly 1620s, the Castilian army was no longer as dominant on the battlefield as it once had been. The feared tercio regiments, composed of well-disciplined pikemen, were increasingly appearing inflexible and outmoded in the face of the new Swedish and Dutch formations with a higher proportion of musketeers. Philip and Olivares attempted to address the perceived weaknesses of the ground forces, which they ended were primarily due to the falta de cabezas, or a lack of leadership. In keeping with their wider agenda of renewing the concepts of duty, service and aloof tradition, the rex agreed to efforts to introduce more than grandees into the higher ranks of the military, working hard to overcome the reluctance of many to take up field appointments in the Netherlands and elsewhere.[41]
The results were not entirely as hoped. The grandees dragooned into service in this way were disinclined to spend years learning the normal professional person armed forces skill ready; they wished 'to get-go out as generals and soldiers on the same day', to quote one disgruntled career soldier.[ who? ] Past the 1630s, the rex was waiving the usual rules to enable promotion to higher ranks on a shorter timescale, and having to pay significantly inflated salaries to get grandees to take upward even these appointments.[41] The performance of these officers at battles such as Rocroi left much to be desired.
Philip was also notable for his interest in the Spanish navy. Presently after taking power he began to increase the size of his fleets, rapidly doubling the size of the naval upkeep from the showtime of his reign, then tripling it.[42] Philip is credited with a 'sensible, businesslike approach' to provisioning and decision-making it.[43] He was prepared to involve himself in considerable details of naval policy; he was commenting on the detail of provisions for the armada in 1630, for example.[44] The Junta de Armadas was the only junta committee to survive the fall of Olivares intact.[45] Even afterward the disastrous Battle of the Downs, Philip remained closely interested in his navy, including ensuring ministerial attention. In 1646, de Haro was personally involved in supplying and equipping the Atlantic fleet from Cadiz. Throughout the period at that place was no 'weakening of the importance attached to naval forces'[46] by the king, who argued that articulation country and naval operations were essential. Some of his conclusions on naval policy were quite avant-garde: after the peace of 1648, Philip argued that the Dutch fleets off the Spanish peninsula were actually good for merchandise, despite concerns from his senior officials, since they provided protection against the English and French navies.[47]
Domestic policy and the crisis of the monarchy [edit]
Philip had inherited a huge empire from his father, spanning the known world, but many of his most difficult challenges equally rex would stem from domestic problems in Spain itself. Espana in the early 17th century was a collection of possessions – the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Valencia and Portugal, the autonomous provinces of Catalonia and Andalusia, complete with the wider provinces of Naples, the Netherlands, Milan etc. – all loosely joined together through the institution of the Castile monarchy and the person of Philip IV.[48] Each part had different tax, privileges and war machine arrangements; in practice, the level of taxation in many of the more than peripheral provinces was less than that in Castile, but the privileged position of the Castilian nobility at all senior levels of royal date was a contentious issue for the less favoured provinces. This loose organisation had successfully resisted reform and higher taxation before, ironically resulting in Kingdom of spain's having had historically, upwardly until the 1640s at least, fewer than the usual number of financial revolts for an early on modern European land.[49]
In the first years of his reign, heavily influenced by his regal favourite Olivares, Philip focused on efforts to reform the well-nigh chaotic aspects of this organisation. Frustrated by the notorious slowness of the arrangement of purple councils, Philip supported Olivares' institution of juntas – small committees designed to circumvent the more formal system and to enact policies quickly. Although successful, these juntas excluded many of the traditional grandees and acquired resentment.[l] Olivares put forrad the thought of a Unión de Armas, or 'Union of Arms'. This would have involved establishing a strength of 140,000 paid soldiers, supported by equitable taxes from beyond the Empire, and has been termed 'the about far-sighted proposal of whatsoever statesman of the age';[51] in do, however, it met fierce opposition from the various regional assemblies and the plan was withdrawn. During the 1620s, over again influenced by a desire to reform Spanish life for the better, Philip also passed considerable legislation with puritanical overtones. In 1623, he closed all the legal brothels in Spain, extended the dormant sumptuary laws on luxury goods and supported Papal efforts to regulate priests' sexual behaviour more tightly.[52]
Philip had articulate intentions to try to control the Castilian currency, which had become increasingly unstable during the reign of his father and grandad, but in practice, inflation soared.[31] Partly this was because in 1627 Olivares had attempted to deal with the problem of Philip's Genoese bankers – who had proved uncooperative in contempo years – by declaring a state bankruptcy.[53] With the Genoese debt now removed, Olivares hoped to plow to indigenous bankers for renewed funds. In practice, the plan was a disaster. The Spanish treasure fleet of 1628 was captured by the Dutch, and Spain's ability to infringe and transfer money across Europe declined sharply.
By the 1630s, Philip's domestic policies were being increasingly impacted by the financial pressures of the Thirty Years' War, and in particular the growing war with France. The costs of the war were huge, and whilst they had largely fallen upon Castile, the ability of the crown to raise more funds and men from this source was increasingly limited.[50] Philip and his government were desperately trying to reduce the responsibilities of central government in response to the overstretch of the state of war, and various reform ideas that might have been pursued during the 1620s were rejected on this basis.[54] Financial restraints and higher taxes were put in place, just Philip was increasingly selling off regalian and feudal rights, along with much of the royal estate to fund the conflict.[55] It has been argued that the financial stringencies of the 1630s, combined with the strength and role of Olivares and the juntas, effectively cut Philip off from the iii traditional pillars of support for the monarchy: the grandees, the Church building and the Council of Castile.[56]
Crunch came in 1640. An endeavor past Olivares to intervene in Catalonia to deal with the French invasion threat resulted in revolt. An brotherhood of Catalan rebels and French regal forces proved challenging to suppress, and in trying to mobilise Portuguese noble support for the state of war, Olivares triggered a second uprising. Lisbon's nobles expelled Philip, and gave the throne to the Braganzas, marking the end of sixty years of the Iberian Union and the starting time of the Portuguese Restoration War. The next year, the Knuckles of Medina Sidonia attempted another rebellion confronting Philip from Andalusia, possibly attempting to reproduce the Braganzas' success in Portugal.[57] Although Philip and Olivares were able to repress the ducal revolt, Philip had found himself increasingly isolated. On his return from Zaragoza, where he had been commanding the regular army, he found only ane of the Castilian nobility arrived at court on Easter Solar day 1641. The threat of Philip'southward being deposed by the grandees of Castile seemed increasingly real.[58]
Much shaken by events, Philip'southward solution was to remove his royal favourite Olivares from office in 1643 in an attempt to compromise with the Castilian elite. He announced he would rule lonely, rejecting both the concept of a majestic favourite as first minister and the organization of junta government, which he began to dismantle in favour of the older system of purple councils.[30] Clemency was shown to the Knuckles of Medina Sidonia. The situation began to stabilise, and before long Philip felt secure enough to revert to his preferred method of authorities. Luis de Haro, Olivares' nephew, took over every bit favourite and minister and the counter-reform of the juntas halted. The spark of reform from Philip'due south earlier years never returned, however. The Catalan rebellion dragged on for several years. In 1652, the Spanish regular army retook Barcelona and Philip issued an amnesty for the rebels, promising to respect traditional customs and rights in the time to come.[59]
Patronage of the arts [edit]
Philip has been remembered both for the 'amazing enthusiasm' with which he collected fine art[60] and for his love of theatre. On the stage, he favoured Lope de Vega, Pedro Calderón de la Barca, and other distinguished dramatists. Philip has been credited with a share in the composition of several comedies. Courtroom theatre used perspective scenery, a new invention from Italia not used in commercial theatre at the fourth dimension. Some writers have likened the illusion of Baroque royal theatre to the illusion of kingly power the performances were designed to reinforce.[61] Some recent scholarship has suggested that Philip's financial sponsorship of playwrights, even so, may take been less all-encompassing than in one case thought.[15]
Artistically, Philip became famous for his patronage of his court painter Diego Velázquez, who originated from Seville;[62] common contacts acquired him to become known to Olivares, who came from the same region. Velázquez was summoned to Madrid past the male monarch in 1624.[63] Despite some jealousy from the existing courtroom painters, Velázquez rapidly became a success with Philip, being retained for the residual of his career until his death, painting a celebration of the Treaty of the Pyrenees for Philip. The rex and Velázquez shared common interests in horses, dogs and art, and in private they formed an easy, relaxed human relationship over the years.[11] Philip supported a number of other prominent painters, including Eugenio Caxés, Vicente Carducho, Gonzales and Nardi. Philip obtained paintings from beyond Europe, especially Italy, accumulating over 4,000 by the time of his death; some have termed this unparalleled assemblage a 'mega-collection'.[64]
Philip was nicknamed el Rey Planeta, the 'Planet Rex',[65] by his contemporaries, and much of the art and display at his courtroom has been interpreted in the context of his demand to project power and authority, over both Spaniards and foreigners alike.[66] Older interpretations, which perceived Philip's courtroom equally existence completely decadent, have been largely superseded, but the art and symbolism of the period certainly did not reflect the wider threat and refuse of Spanish power.[4] Indeed, the limited Spanish armed forces successes of the period were historic past royal artists to a disproportionate extent. Numerous artists from the Castilian Netherlands produced work extolling the Ground forces of Flanders, including Vrancx, Snaeyers, Molenaer and de Hondt. The re-capture of Breda alone resulted in major works past Velázquez and the French etcher Jacques Callot, in addition to various plays and books.[41]
The 'Planet King' besides invested in a new palace to display both his fine art and the ritual of court. Through Olivares, Philip commenced the building of the Buen Retiro palace in Madrid, parts of which however remain near the Prado. Piece of work began modestly in 1631,[66] with the magnificent, if costly, 'Hall of Thrones', completed past 1635.[4] The palace included its own 'theatre, ballroom, galleries, bull ring, gardens, and artificial lakes',[65] and became the centre for artists and dramatists from across Europe. The palace was built during one of the more difficult periods of Philip's reign. Given both its cost, in a time of stringent wartime savings, and the protest that ensued from a disgruntled public,[67] it is considered to have been an important part of the endeavor to communicate royal grandeur and say-so.[ by whom? ]
Philip and religion [edit]
The Catholic faith and its rituals played an important part in Philip's life, particularly towards the end of his reign. Depressed past events across his domains, he became increasingly concerned with religious diplomacy.[40] In particular, Philip paid special devotions to a painting of the Nuestra Señora del Milagro, the Virgin of Miracles; the painting was said to miraculously raise and lower its optics in response to prayer. Whilst married to Elisabeth, Philip had placed their children under the protection of this prototype; married to Mariana, they undertook special religious ceremonies together under the gaze of the painting. Philip as well had a large standard made with the image of the painting on one side and the purple coat of arms on the other, brought out in processions each year on 12 July.[68] As well every bit marker a potent personal religious belief, this increasingly visible link betwixt the crown, the Church building and national symbols such as the Virgin of Miracles, represented a key pillar of support for Philip equally king.[56]
Monarchs during the menstruum also had a key role in the canonization process and could utilise this for domestic or international political upshot. Philip, for example, keen to reach out to his Portuguese subjects, put his considerable influence behind the case for Isabella of Portugal, a 14th-century role model of a 'perfect queen', to great outcome, ultimately paying for a lavish celebration in Lisbon later her canonisation in 1625. Internationally, it was important for Spanish prestige for her to receive at least a proportionate, and ideally greater, share of new saints than other Catholic kingdoms, and Philip sponsored a flurry of texts and books supporting Spain'southward candidates, specially in competition with Catholic France.[69]
During the emergency of 1640–1643, Philip appears to have had a crunch of organized religion. Philip genuinely believed the success or failure of his policies represented God's favour and sentence on his actions.[70] The combination of the revolts, the French advances and the loss of his trusted favourite Olivares appears to accept deeply shaken him. Queen Isabella and the new president of the Council of Castile, Don Juan Chumacero – both involved in the removal of Olivares – encouraged the king to invite mystics and visionaries from across Europe to his court at Zaragoza. The mystics' principal advice centred on the importance of the king'due south rejecting Olivares' replacement, de Haro and the remaining pro-Olivares nobles at court.[71] The various mystics were not adequate to broader Spanish noble opinion and, with de Haro'southward encouragement, they were ultimately dismissed.[lxx]
Instead, Philip turned to a improve established female mystic, Sister María de Ágreda, a prioress known for her religious writings.[70] He asked her to stand for with him and to suggest him in spiritual matters. The ii became regular correspondents throughout the remainder of their lives. This is documented in over 600 confidential letters between them over a flow of 20-two years.[14] Philip conspicuously believed that Maria could intercede with God on his behalf and provide advice on what God wished him to practice, to amend Spain's failing fortunes.[seventy] Near believe that Philip was involved in protecting Maria from the Inquisition's investigation of 1650.[72] Philip's son, every bit Charles II, protected her writings from later censorship.
Titles and way [edit]
In the 1630 Treaty of Madrid, Philip was styled "Philip, past the grace of God king of the Spains, Both the Sicilies, Jerusalem, the Indies, etc., archduke of Austria, duke of Burgundy, Milan, etc., count of Habsburg, Tyrol, etc." in full and "the Almost Serene Philip 4, Catholic King of the Spains," for brusk.[73]
In the 1648 Treaty of Münster, he was styled "Don Philip the Quaternary, by the grace of God king of Castile, Leon, Aragon, the Ii Sicilies, Jerusalem, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Minorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordoba, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algeciras, Gibraltar, the Canary Islands, the Eastern and Western Indies, the islands and terra firma of the Ocean, archduke of Republic of austria, knuckles of Burgundy, Brabant, Milan, count of Habsburg, Flanders, Tyrol, Barcelona, lord of Biscay and Molina, etc." in full and "Rex of the Spains, Don Philip the Fourth and King of Portugal and the Algarves Don Philip the Third ", for brusk.[73]
Legacy [edit]
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Philip Four's reign, after a few years of inconclusive successes, was characterized by political and military adversity. He has been held responsible for the refuse of Kingdom of spain, which was mainly due to organic causes largely across the command of any i ruler.[ commendation needed ] Philip IV died in 1665,[74] expressing the pious hope that his surviving son, Charles II, who was simply iv years onetime at the time, would be more than fortunate than himself. On his decease, a casket was built in Rome to commemorate his life. In his will, Philip left political ability as regent on behalf of the immature Charles II to his wife Mariana, with instructions that she mind the advice of a modest junta commission established for this purpose.[75] This committee excluded John Joseph, Philip's illegitimate son, resulting in a chaotic powerplay between Mariana and John Joseph until his decease in 1679.
Family [edit]
- With Elisabeth of France (1602–1644, girl of Henry 4 of France) — married xviii October 1615 at Bordeaux:[76]
- Maria Margaret of Republic of austria, Infanta of Espana (fourteen August 1621 – 15 August 1621)
- Margaret Maria Catherine of Republic of austria, Infanta of Spain (25 November 1623 – 22 Dec 1623)
- Maria Eugenia of Republic of austria, Infanta of Spain (21 November 1625 – 21 August 1627)
- Isabella Maria Theresa of Austria, Infanta of Espana (31 October 1627 – ane November 1627)
- Balthasar Charles of Republic of austria, Infante of Spain, Prince of Asturias (17 October 1629 – 9 October 1646), Prince of Asturias.
- Francis Ferdinand of Austria, Infante of Espana (12 March 1634)
- Infanta Maria Anna "Mariana" Antonia of Austria, Infanta of Spain (17 January 1636 – v December 1636)
- Maria Theresa of Republic of austria, Infanta of Espana (1638–1683), married Louis XIV of French republic and had issue.
- With Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria (1634–1696) – his niece – 1649:
- Margaret Theresa of Republic of austria, Infanta of Spain (12 July 1651 – 12 March 1673), married Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor
- Infanta Maria Ambrosia de la Concepción of Austria, Infanta of Spain (vii December 1655 – 21 Dec 1655)
- Philip Prospero of Austria, Infante of Espana, Prince of Asturias (28 Nov 1657 – 1 November 1661) Prince of Asturias
- Ferdinand Thomas Charles of Republic of austria, Infante of Spain (23 December 1658 – 22 Oct 1659)
- Charles Ii of Spain (half dozen November 1661 – 1 November 1700) married Marie Louise d'Orléans, no issue. Married secondly Maria Anna of Neuburg, no outcome.
- With María Calderón:
- John Joseph of Austria (7 Apr 1629 – 17 September 1679)
Beginnings [edit]
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Notes:
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Bibliography [edit]
- Kristiaan P. Aercke, The Gods of Play: Baroque Festival Performances every bit Rhetorical Discourse. Albany: State University of New York Press (1994).
- M. South. Anderson, State of war and Social club in Europe of the Old Regime, 1618–1789. London: Fontana (1988).
- Charles H. Carter, "The Nature of Castilian Authorities Later on Philip Ii." Historian 26#1 (1963): 1-18. online.
- Luis R. Corteguera, For the Common Good: Popular Politics in Barcelona, 1580–1640. Ithaca: Cornell University Press (2002).
- Graham Darby, Kingdom of spain in the Seventeenth Century. Longman (1994).
- France G. Davenport, European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United states of america and Its Dependencies. The Lawbook Commutation, Ltd. (2004).
- J. H. Elliot, The Statecraft of Olivares. in: J.H. Elliot and H. G. Koenisburger (ed.). The Variety of History: Essays in Honour of Sir Henry Butterfield. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul (1970).
- J. H. Elliot, The Revolt of the Catalans: A Report in the Decline of Kingdom of spain, 1598–1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1984).
- J. H. Elliot, Richelieu and Olivares. Cambridge: Canto Press (1991).
- Filippe Fernándo-Armesto, The Improbable Empire, in: Raymond Carr (ed.). Spain: A History. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2000).
- David Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 1589–1665: Reconstruction and Defeat. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2002).
- Eleanor Goodman, Conspicuous In Her Absence: Mariana of Austria, Juan José of Austria, and the Representation of Her Power, in: Theresa Earenfight (ed.), Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early Modern Spain. Aldershot: Ashgate (2005).
- Stephen Haliczer, Betwixt Exaltation and Infamy: Female Mystics in the Golden Age of Espana. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (2002)
- Martin Hume, Court of Philip IV: Spain in Turn down. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons (1907).
- Chiyo Ishikawa, Spain in the Age of Exploration, 1492–1819. University of Nebraska Press (2004).
- John Lynch, Kingdom of spain Under the Habsburgs: vol 2 Spain and America (1959) online pp 62–145.
- Henry Kamen, Vicissitudes of a World Ability, 1500–1700, in: Raymond Carr (ed.). Spain: A History. Oxford: Oxford University Printing (2000).
- Henry Kamen, Espana, 1469–1714: A Order of Conflict. Harlow: Pearson Education (2005).
- Ruth Mackay, The Limits of Majestic Authorisation: Resistance and Authorisation in Seventeenth Century Castile. Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press (1999).
- Thomas Munck, Seventeenth Century Europe, 1598–1700. London: Macmillan (1990).
- Geoffrey Parker, Europe in Crisis, 1598–1648. London: Fontana (1984).
- Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567–1659. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2004).
- J. V. Polisensky, The Xxx Years State of war. London: NEL (1971).
- David Ringrose, Spain, Europe and the "Castilian Phenomenon", 1700–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press (1998).
- Jeremy Robbins, The Challenges of Uncertainty: An Introduction to Seventeenth Century Spanish Literature. Lanham: Rowan and Littlefied (1998).
- R. A. Stradling, Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621–1665. Cambridge: Cambridge University Printing, Cambridge 1988, ISBN 0-521-32333-ix.
- R. A. M. Stevenson, Velazquez. London: G. Bell Sons (1912).
- C. V. Wedgwood, The Thirty Years War. London: Methuen (1981).
- Patrick Williams, The Great Favourite: The Duke of Lerma, and the courtroom and government of King Philip III of Spain, 1598–1621. Manchester: Manchester University Printing (2006).
- Perez Zagorin, Rebels and Rulers, 1500–1660. Book 2: Provincial rebellion: Revolutionary civil wars, 1560–1660. Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press (1992).
References [edit]
- ^ a b Stevenson, p. 12.
- ^ Wedgwood, p. 495.
- ^ a b Kamen, p. 217.
- ^ a b c Aercke, p. 140.
- ^ a b c d Wedgwood, p. 144.
- ^ Darby, p. 5.
- ^ a b c Elliot, Richelieu and Olivares, p. 47.
- ^ Stradling, p. 84.
- ^ Robbins, p. 31.
- ^ Robbins, p. 28.
- ^ a b Stevenson, p. seven.
- ^ a b Kamen, p. 213-214.
- ^ Aercke, p. 139.
- ^ a b Hume, p.[ clarification needed ]
- ^ a b Aercke, p. 160.
- ^ Munck, p. 52.
- ^ a b Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 232.
- ^ a b c Elliot, The Revolt of the Catalans, p. 194.
- ^ Stradling, p. viii.
- ^ Elliot, The Revolt of the Catalans, p. 526.
- ^ Elliot, The Statecraft of Olivares, p. 121.
- ^ Elliot, Richelieu and Olivares, p. 32.
- ^ Stradling, p. 83.
- ^ Stradling, p. 43.
- ^ Williams, p. 248.
- ^ Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 234.
- ^ Corteguera, p. 134.
- ^ Ringrose, p. 320.
- ^ Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 264.
- ^ a b Polisensky, p. 224.
- ^ a b Kamen, p. 228.
- ^ Parker, The Army of Flemish region and the Castilian Road, p. 219.
- ^ Kamen, Vicissitudes of a Earth Power, p. 156.
- ^ Fernández-Armesto, p. 144.
- ^ Mackay, p. five.
- ^ Corteguera, p. 143.
- ^ Parker, The Regular army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, p. 221.
- ^ Elliot, The Revolt of the Catalans, p. 539.
- ^ Kamen, p. 222.
- ^ a b Ishikawa, p. 77.
- ^ a b c Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, p. 101-103.
- ^ Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, p. 45.
- ^ Goodman, Spanish Naval Ability, p. 32.
- ^ Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, p. 157.
- ^ Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, p. 34.
- ^ Goodman, Castilian Naval Power, p. 156.
- ^ Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, p. 26.
- ^ Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 61.
- ^ Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 248.
- ^ a b Munck, p. 53.
- ^ Anderson, p. 44.
- ^ Haliczer, p. 18.
- ^ Munck, p. 55.
- ^ Parker, 2005,[ clarification needed ] p. 81.
- ^ Anderson, p. 72.
- ^ a b Stradling, p. xx.
- ^ Elliot, Richelieu and Olivares, p. 8.
- ^ Parker, Europe in Crisis, p. 262-263.
- ^ Zagorin, p. 37.
- ^ Andrew Graham-Dixon. "The Mystical North". Art of Kingdom of spain. Season 1. Episode three. 14 February 2008.
- ^ Robbins, p. 27-28.
- ^ Stevenson, p. 10.
- ^ Stevenson, p. 11.
- ^ Ishikawa, p. 72.
- ^ a b Robbins, p. 27.
- ^ a b Aercke, p. 142.
- ^ Haliczar, p. 26.
- ^ Goodman, Conspicuous In Her Absence, p. 169-170.
- ^ Haliczer, p. 34-36.
- ^ a b c d Haliczer, p. 27.
- ^ Haliczer, p. 26.
- ^ Haliczer, p. 92.
- ^ a b Davenport, p.[ description needed ]
- ^ Baker, Christopher (2002). Absolutism and the scientific revolution, 1600-1720: a biographical dictionary. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. p. 302. ISBN9780313308277.
- ^ Goodman, Conspicuous In Her Absence, p. 164.
- ^ Anselm de Gibours (1726). Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France [Genealogical and chronological history of the majestic business firm of France] (in French). Vol. one (third ed.). Paris: La compagnie des libraires. p. 149.
This commodity incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Philip IV., male monarch of Kingdom of spain". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 21 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Printing.
External links [edit]
- La Política Internacional de Felipe IV
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